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Ten Good Reasons 


Grace Duffield Goodwin 





Copyright 1912. by 


Introduction • . . . 3 

I The Ballot Not a Right • IS 

II Difference in Fundamental As- 
sumptions . . . .27 

III Foreign Conditions no Basis for 

American Action . . ,37 

IV Four Classes That Constitute a 

Menace .... 43 

V The Ballot and Industry . 51 

VI The Ballot and Vice . . 67 

VII Property Rights: The Loss of 

Immunities and Privileges . 75 

VIII Sex a Dominant Factor . 85 

IX Sex Antagonism. . . .97 

X Conditions in Suffrage States . 107 

XI Analysis of one of the Suffrage 

Platforms .... 115 

Conclusion . . . . 135 


* * The agitator must stand outside of 
organizations, with no bread to earn^ 
no candidate to elect, no party to save, 
no object but the truth— to tear a question 
open and riddle it with light ' ' 

— Wendell Philups. 



^T^HE demand for any sweeping and 
-■" revolutionary change in existing 
conditions, whether political, indus- 
trial or religious, throws upon the 
sponsors of such a change the burden 
of proof. Present evils must be clearly 
demonstrated, and the proposed reme- 
dies must hold out a reasonable hope of 
permanent betterment. The ardent 
supporters of the present demand for 
universal adult suffrage (the exact 
meaning of ^ Votes for women") are 
under the necessity of proving to 
American women their present evil 
condition, and of proving, also, that 
universal adult suffrage is the panacea. 
The discussion in this book is con- 
cerned with answering the arguments 



of suffragists who claim the full 
rights of citizenship for all women. 
To fair-minded critics many of the 
arguments for limited female suffrage 
are plausible, and in some cases sound, 
such as those which base their demand 
upon a limited suffrage for women 
with educational and property quali- 
fications. It must be remembered that 
twenty-six states in the Union have to- 
day some form of limited female suf- 
frage, which, however, is of so little 
interest to the women concerned that 
the voting right is very rarely used. It 
is estimated that less than 2 per cent, of 
the New England women who are 
entitled and urged to vote upon school 
matters, ever take advantage of their 

Those who oppose the universal 
franchise for women submit to men 
and women interested in this subject, 
that such a Sane position as restricted 



suffrage is not advocated by suffragists. 
In this day of frenzied democracy, 
limited suffrage is not popular with 
men, much less with women. Suffra- 
gists desire full female citizenship with 
all the rights of men. It is against 
these wholesale claims that the anti- 
suffragists level their objections. 

We who sincerely and seriously op- 
pose the program offered by the suf- . 
fragists, unite in asking them to prove 
the evil condition of American women 
as a whole, and to demonstrate the 
remedial effect of the ballot when / 
granted to women. We admit that in- 
dividuals and groups under existing 
conditions frequently endure injustice; 
women in the industrial world, as a 
group or class, suffer under heavy 
wrongs; individuals who own proper- 
ty and pay taxes with no voice in pub- 
lic matters suffer a form of injustice. 
Suffragists and anti-suffragists alike 



are eager to see these wrongs righted, 
but they differ seriously as to the means 
for this end. Nevertheless, we submit 
the proposition that American women, 
judged not by the individual, the group, 
or the class, but as a whole, are suffer- 
ing under no wrongs which need for 
their redress the violent overturning 
of the entire political machinery of the 

In the following pages it is intended 
to present a brief outline of the objec- 
tions of a large and rapidly increasing 
number of women to an experiment 
fraught with so much of danger to 
the body politic, so much of danger to 
the possession of the many immunities 
and privileges granted to women in 
many of our states, so much of danger 
to women themselves. 

We have no desire to confuse the 
issue by comparing our position with 
that of women in other countries. Few 


American women can speak with intel- 
ligence regarding matters so purely 
local. We desire to act as American 
conditions demand, and we refuse to 
be stampeded by the oratory of women 
from England or elsewhere, who prove, 
by daily misstatement, that they are not 
informed concerning American con- 
ditions or American laws. 

Many women of this country are 
accepting English statements of Amer- 
ican conditions, and declaring them- 
selves to be sufifragists without intelli- 
gently considering for themselves the 
political situation, the industrial and 
legal conditions now prevailing in their 
own country. 

The sufifragists ask for the ballot 
upon the ground that they are *^hu- 
man beings." Anything so obvious is 
outside the bounds of discussion, but 
anti-suflfragists constantly emphasize 
the equally undeniable fact of sex dif- 



ferentiatton with its many limitations. 
What will do for a man ^^human be- 
ing" will not necessarily do for a wo- 
man ^^human being." There is no 
neuter gender in our thought. We 
hold that sex is a dominant factor in 
this question of duties and of abilities. 
The suffragists also offer the argu- 
ment that this is a ^^race-movement," a 
^Vorld-movement," from which they 
should not be excluded. The anti-suf- 
fragists contend that it is absolutely 
necessary to ask, in this question, how 
any world-movement is going to work 
out practically, when it comes to a 
definite demonstration in the limited 
area of America, confronted with inex- 
orable American facts. Theories are 
much easier than demonstrations, and 
the suffragists, by their exalted senti- 
mentalism, are plainly and persistently 
disregarding the only things which 
concern us in laying out a political pro- 


gram for our own country, and are 
evading the only imperative issue, 
which is ^^How will this program 
affect this country and the women who 
make half of its population?" 

This is not a world question or a 
race question; it is a question of pa- 
triotism. This is a note seldom or 
never sounded in this difference of 
opinion. Patriotism consists in finding 
out what is good for America by intel- 
ligent thought, and in doing what is 
good for America by devoted service. 
Only as patriotism is kept alight can 
all the nations of the world be served. 
The ^^man without a country" has 
never been a world-force. 

A large number of women are in- 
different and uninformed, and it is to 
aid in presenting a fair statement of 
the anti-suffrage position to such wo- 
men that this hand-book has been pre- 
pared. Confused thought and uncon- 



sidered speech are the order of the day. 
It is highly desirable for us all to bring 
our brains into the discussion of the 
question, and to subject our emotions, 
our enthusiams, our sympathies to the 
control of our reasoning powers. A 
large part of the suffrage movement at 
' present, in its fervor and fury, repre- 
sents the acme of hysterical feminine 
thoughtlessness and unrest. The re- 
mainder represents the impractical 
idealism of that class of men and wo- 
men whose ardor carries them lightly 
over the many difficulties which are 
insurmountable for those who will 
be called upon in the future to apply 
these roseate dreams to the common 
tasks of practical politics. 

^^Idealists have always led the 
world — never the average man or wo- 
man," say the suffragists. Truly have 
they said; but even idealists must have 
followers, and idealists who can in- 



spire the average follower with a lofty 
hope must have something worth 
while to present. Only a great cause 
can command a leader of vision and a 
discipleship of obedience. The cause 
of woman suffrage, though deeply in- 
teresting, is not supremely urgent, and 
is in no way comparable to the libera- 
ting struggles for religious and poli- 
tical freedom which the world has 
sometimes seen. In its application it is 
but a question of method, a discussion 
of ways and means — the best ways, the 
most effective means, of attaining un- 
defined and half-understood political 
ends in a huge and ill-balanced democ- 
racy struggling under the present bur- 
den of an already dangerously large 




TN early days, long before the war, 
^ the great question of slavery arous- 
ed the interest of some few far-sighted 
American men and women, and at an 
international abolition conference held 
in London, such men as William Lloyd 
Garrison and Wendell Phillips went 
as delegates. With them were ap- 
pointed several brilliant women, 
friends and counsellors of those men: 
Lucretia Mott, Elizabeth Cady Stan- 
ton, and others. On reaching London, 
the women were refused official recog- 
nition, which so incensed Garrison that 
he arose and left the hall. On the re- 
turn of the party to this country, there 
was set on foot the Woman's Rights 
movement, which for awhile swept 



the land like wild-fire. The women 
rightly felt that they should have been 
allowed to vote upon this important 
issue. The agitation, therefore, had 
its origin among noble and brilliant 
people for great moral ends, and, in 
the passage of time, has gathered to it- 
self gradually a younger group of ad- 
herents, who have forced it far beyond 
its original purpose, who have failed 
to remark the growing complication 
of political problems, and who cannot 
be made to realize that today the great 
issues on which the original demand 
was based, have so changed that what 
was once a question of the best way to 
handle a moral issue has now become 
a question of the best way to handle 
party politics. At the present time 
this question of woman suffrage is not 
a question of one clear-cut moral issue, 
not a question of the theory of gov- 
ernment or the philosophy of gov- 

The Ballot Not a Right 

ernment, but simply and solely a ques- 
tion of politics. Given the highly 
specialized profession of politics, the 
^^great game," played as it is now in 
this country, will the entrance of wo- 
men into the field make it better or 
worse? By doubling the electorate, 
and therefore, according to the law of 
averages, coming out with condition^^ 
very little changed, can we hope to do 
anything more than make more diffi- 
cult an already difficult task? 

^^Educating by means of the ballot" 
is an experiment to be tried slowly, 
and not by throwing into our elector- 
ate a mass of indifferent and inexperi-| 
enced voters. Those who steadily op- 
pose this experiment consider it far 
too difficult and dangerous to be thrust 
upon a nation which has so recently 
won its title to be considered a world- 
power. America is a vigorous young 
leader in the family of nations. It 



should not have its progress checked by 
rash ventures which have to do with 
the very foundations of its governmen- 
tal life. 

In considering this question fairly, 
we must understand that there is no 
such thing as a ^^natural right" to the 
si^ ballot. Natural rights are rights to 
^1 life, property, etc. ; the ballot is a man- 
devised instrument for the peaceful 
expression of the popular will in gov- 
ernment. It is conferred as a serious 
responsibility upon men who have ful- 
filled certain well-known conditions. 
/TVomen are made exempt from the ex- 
ercise of political responsibility in 
' view of the duties toward home and 
family which they are performing for 
the benefit of the state. The ballot is 
^ not a right denied; it is a burden re- 
moved. The ^^mbecile and criminal" 
argument is nothing but cheap and 
superficial clap-trap. Great confusion 

The Ballot Not a Right 

has existed on this point, but there is 

really no reason at all for anything but jf 

an acknowledgment of the facts. ! y^ J^ 

The ballot being a responsibility, if y^ j 
we demand it and receive it we must .J ^ J 
be prepared to accept all that it entails, 0^ T .) 

and the state must be prepared also to J^ ^ }K 
accept the difficulties and dangers! ^^ / 
which will arise from a sudden and ^ c^^ 
great enlargement of the voting body. ^j 

We have been told, even by such 
men as the late Senator Hoar, that if 
women receive the franchise they may 
vote or not, as they desire. This is not 
the original conception of the duty of 
a voter. Men are never so taught. 
Everywhere they are urged to vote, 
and the pulpits of the land make the 
casting of a ballot a patriotic and relig- 
ious duty. Ex-Governor Utter of 
Rhode Island (now Congressman), 
claims that one of the greatest dangers 
will be the enlargement of the indiffer- 



ent class, the busy, middle-class trades- 
man and housekeeper. Men of this 
type, he says, are already a great drag 
on elections, and have always to be 
brought to the polls by those interested 
in ^^getting out the vote." 

The ballot carries with it the duty 
of bearing arms in time of war, and of 
jury duty in times of peace. If women 
are granted the ballot the governmental 
system will have to be reconstructed to 
free us from these duties, or we shall 
have to attend to them while doing our 
own peculiar and non-transferable 
tasks. JVIr. William Allen's frivolous 
arguiiient, in his ^Woman's Part in 
Government," — to the effect that any 
woman can bear arms who can struggle 
with the crush at the Brooklyn bridge, 
is wide of the mark. Absence from 
home and children during prolonged 
jury service will not materially help 
the state. Women are everywhere to- 

The Ballot Not a Right 

day suffering from exhaustion of vital 
force, due to the incessant demands of 
a life crowded with claims outside the 
home, either in social obligations, phil- 
anthropic or civic interests, or the tax- 
ing strain of industrial life. Between 
these two comes the large percentage 
of American women, far larger than 
any other class, who need all their 
strength for necessary household tasks. 
The watchful and intelligent observer 
fails to see the surplus of strength to be 
expended in a man's way for the good 
of the state, and he does see the good 
of the state seriously menaced at its 
source by the inroads upon feminine 
vitality which will be made when po- 
litical duties are added to those bound 
upon our shoulders first by nature, sec- 
ond by a highly developed civilization. 
This applies not so much to those wo- 
men who would be content merely to 
vote, as to that large class which 



would inevitably, in its natural desire 
for power and publicity, *^enter poli- 

The suffragists remind us that the 
political burden is not heavy for the 
average man ; that he spends very little 
time and energy in governing his coun- 
try. In every community, however, 
from village to city, there are men who 
^^handle the politics," and who give up 
their lives to it, degrading themselves 
as bosses and grafters, or wearing them- 
selves out as reformers. The same 
number of women would in all prob- 
ability do the same things, because 
every manhood class has either a corre- 
sponding or a potentially corresponding 
womanhood class, and this proportion 
of women is too large to be needlessly 

The "woman in politics" is not a 
menace of the future. She has appear- 
ed, and if she be a type, it is instructive 


The Ballot Not a Right 

to look upon her and see to what more 
politics will lead. Women in politics 
are like men in politics — so testify 
Judge Lindsay and ex-Governor Hale, 
both of Colorado. They are good, bad 
and indifferent, with the added empha- 
sis of the tendency to the extreme inher- 
ent in all women, so that a woman 
corrupt in politics has been shown to be 
worse than a man; a woman to gain 
political ends has been known to offer 
what is euphemistically, but quite clear- 
ly described as the ^^new bribery", — an 
abyss of horror into which only the low- 
est will fall, but into which the lowest 
will fall, as they fell in the days of the 
Roman decadence. We cannot afford , 
to have any woman so besmirched. 

In considering this question it is 
well to observe all its aspects. The 
opponents of suffrage for women 
are deeply convinced that there are 
elements of danger for some women 



that all women should consider, and 
elements of danger for the state that 
should be matter of consideration for 
both men and women, before we com- 
mit this country, unique in history and 
in composition, to an experiment in 
which is undeniable danger both to 
government and to women. 





nr^ HE demand that women be allow- 
-*• ed equal part with men in the 
tasks of government, is based upon two 
assumptions: First, that all women de- 
sire such a share of the political bur- 
den, or can be induced to desire it, and 
second, that all conditions will be 
greatly improved by granting suffrage 
to women. Were the premises correct, 
the conclusion would be obvious. 
Without a proper investigation of 
these assumptions, the conclusion that 
women must be enfranchised, and that 
speedily, is made the basis of a pro- 
paganda which is everywhere arousing 
the opposition of thoughtful men and 
women, who, after a study of the as- 



sumptions, are unwilling, and intel- 
lectually unable, to be drawn to any 
such conclusion. 

There are various estimates of the 
percentage of American women who 
favor suffrage for women. Mayor 
Gaynor of New York says *4ess than 
2 per cent.," Dr. Meyer, the bibliogra- 
pher of the Library of Congress in 
Washington, thinks it is less than 4 per 
cent., which is the same percentage 
given by the women of Massachusetts 
in the referendum of 1895. Two years 
ago Miss Jessie Ashley, treasurer of 
the National Suffrage Association, 
stated in the Woman s Journal, that 
the National Association had 28,000 
dues-paying members, and at present 
there are 80,000 in suffrage organiza- 
tions. In February, 191 2, Miss Ash- 
ley says that a ^^rough estimate" of 
the American women favoring suffrage 
is approximately 3,000,000. Figures 

Fundamental Assumptions 

for the 1 910 census give very nearly 
92,000,000 for the population of con- 
tinental America, and estimate about 
46,000,000 as females. Miss Ashley's 
estimate and the census figures prob- 
ably include many under voting age, as 
suffrage has made remarkable strides 
in this country among very young wo- 
men. The only way to obtain figures 
as to the numbers of women interested 
in a certain cause is to find them by 
means of those women's clubs which 
have joined the National Federation, 
and to compute the attendance at meet- 
ings devoted to the cause. But such a 
claim, made by any organization, must 
necessarily be subjected to revision, as 
it cannot consider the large number of 
women unconnected with clubs, and 
the large number of clubs which never 
consent to unite with a central organi- 
zation. As for attendance, it is well to 
remember that all who go to a meeting 



will not necessarily feel bound to sup- 
port its object. 

Anti-suffragists ask that American 
women be considered as a unit, and so 
far as possible, the necessary reductions 
be allowed. It is evident, no matter 
what the basis of percentage computa- 
tion, that the suffragists constitute but 
a handful of the entire number, only 
75,000 who are sufficiently interested 
in the cause to pay the fee of a dollar 
a year, so that they are called "con- 
scious suffragists", the implication be- 
ing that the rest of the 3,000,000 are 
unconscious suffragists. The women 
who do not desire suffrage are asking 
why so small a number should seek to 
thrust upon the majority of those op- 
posed or indifferent or completely ig- 
norant of the matter, something which 
they do not desire. So radical a politi- 
cal change should be the result of noth- 

Fundamental Assumptions 

ing but a strong popular demand, 
which in this case is quite lacking. 

The existing demand, aggressively 
as it is presented, is, nevertheless, in 
America, a demand which has been 
artificially, stimulated by women from 
other countries. Such enthusiasm, such 
fervor, such excitement are contagious, 
and we were not properly quarantined 
by sound judgment; therefore we are 
suffering from a mild but irritating 
form of the international disorder. 

The second assumption, that all con- 
ditions in the state will be greatly bene- 
fited by the exercise of the voting pow- 
er by women, must be proved before it 
can be accepted. The fact that we 
have, as yet, no sufficient proof from 
the suffrage states is discussed in chap- 
ter 9. The anti-suffragists base their 
conclusion upon very different assump- 
tions: First, that the majority of wo- 
men are opposed or indifferent, and if 



swept in by misdirected enthusiasm, 
will be a menace rather than an aid. 
The things which people do not wish 
to do, or which they are compelled to 
do, are always badly done. Second, 
that the state will be harmed and not 
helped by doubling its present elector- 
ate, and adding to its present voting 
I force a large number of unintelligent 
or careless voters, and a small number 
of thinking and competent women. 
These women without the ballot are 
far more effective in dealing with mat- 
ters of the public good than if they 
were struggling to outvote an over- 
whelming number of those having no 
concern whatever beyond their imme- 
diate convenience or interest. In moral 
power the small minority might be 
equal to many thousands ; with the bal- 
lot each woman counts one, and no 


Fundamental Assumptions 

These are the opposite grounds upon 
which women interested in this ques- 
tion are taking their respective posi- 
tions. They are fundamentally differ- 
ent. We who are actively opposed to 
suffrage are willing to state as briefly 
and clearly as possible our reasons for 
the position which we hold, and which 
we are forcing upon public attention 
today by our National Association 
Opposed to the Suffrage for Women, 
which, although of very recent origin, 
is growing with almost startling 









A POINT upon which women who 
^ ^ consider this matter find them- 
selves easily confused, is that made by 
the sufifragists when they bid us note 
the ever-growing popularity of uni- 
versal suffrage in other lands. Aus- 
tralia, New Zealand, Scandinavia, 
Finland, are all thrown into the dis- 
cussion with a reckless disregard of 
one very obvious truth — a truth which 
makes all the rest of the argument of 
no avail, and that is the simple fact that 
this is America, and that America is 
like no other country on the face of the 
earth. It has problems and dangers 
and difficulties peculiarly its own, and 



a political step which might be quite 
desirable for Australia, where they beg 
for immigration, would be totally un- 
suited to a nation which receives from 
Europe hundreds of thousands of po- 
tential citizens every year, many of 
whom in five years are integral parts 
of our body politic. New Zealand has 
no population, running up into the mil- 
lions, enslaved and enfranchised in the 
same generation. A canton of Swit- 
zerland has a somewhat different prob- 
lem from that which faces Rhode Is- 
land, with its 64 per cent, either for- 
eign-born or the children of foreign- 
ers; or Georgia, with its black inhabi- 
tants outnumbering the whites in the 
ratio of nine to one. The problems of 
England are entirely her own, and she 
is struggling for the right to do her 
own deciding, while threatened on one 
hand with a widespread and danger- 
ous industrial disturbance, and har- 


Foreign Conditions 

assed on the other by the insistent de- 
mands for the parliamentary suffrage 
on the part of stone-throwing, riotous, 
spectacular women, who incite one an- 
other to every frenzy of hysterical law- 
lessness. The women of England be- 
gan by asking for better property 
rights, and better divorce laws. Now 
they do not know just what their griev- 
ances are; all they know is that they 
want ^^Votes for Women." 

In America, many states have just 
property laws for women, many have 
such legislation pending, and in no 
state in America do women need to 
throw stones or fire pistols to secure 
fair treatment. 

The uniform divorce law, which 
would solve so many of our prob- 
lems and prevent so much wrong 
and injustice, is making but slow prog- 
ress, owing, among other causes, to the 
determined opposition of the very 



women who have most to gain from its 
general enactment. 

In no foreign country do conditions 
parallel our own. We have a large 
and unwieldy democracy, as yet scarce- 
ly beyond the experimental stage, a 
democracy whose success is not yet that 
assured and splendid vindication of 
our initial policy which it will un- 
doubtedly become if we give it time, 
and refuse to entangle it with further 
difficulties. Once for all, women who 
are opposed to the suffrage extension 
decline to be stampeded by the use of 
arguments which in no way apply to 
the political conditions in our own 





'1X7' E are a nation of unsolved prob- 
^^ lems. Brains and time and pa- 
tience are going into their solution. 
Our negro and our alien problem are 
ours alone. No other nation shows a 
condition in which these two difficul- 
ties exist side by side, and press for 
solution at the same time. At present 
no one is bold enough to say that we 
are finding it easy to amalgamate the 
sorrowful legacy of our own greed and 
inhumanity, in the race of struggling 
children just *^up from slavery," con- 
fused and bewildered even yet by the 
sufferings of the past, the burden of the 
present, the blind ambitions of the fu- 
ture. Our American negroes are not yet 



woven into the fabric of our common 
life; their ignorance, their helpless- 
ness, has not yet ceased to be a political 
menace. In the Southern states, where 
white control is held only by the 
frankest bribery, where the negroes 
number five to one or ten to one, as the 
case may be, it is proposed to add, for 
further exploitation and bribery, all 
the negro women, who are more help- 
less and ignorant than the men. This 
is said with full realization of the num- 
bers of negro men and women who are 
far beyond the average of their people. 
One has but to see the race close at 
hand to recognize its sterling virtues 
and its dangerous weaknesses, virtues 
of sympathy, patience, cheerfulness, 
loyalty — weaknesses of moral fibre and 
of mental grasp. 
2^^ We have the problem of the ivimi- 

grant, coming here by millions in the 
last decade, coming from different 


Classes That Menace 

political conditions, new to republican- 
ism, new to responsibility, new to free- 
dom, which, in the exuberance of the 
second generation, he misreads ^4i- 
cense." He clings to his own, and he 
makes in all our cities a Ghetto, or a 
Little Italy, or such a settlement as that 
of 50,000 Bohemians in New York, set- 
tlements which are not American in 
any particular. He populates the 
streets of the New England mill towns, 
until in Rhode Island one may walk 
perhaps two or three blocks without 
hearing a word of English. In five 
years he is a citizen; in five years he is 
expected, with the pressure of a ter- 
rible toil upon him, to learn the lan- 
guage, the customs, the ideals of his fu- 
ture home, and to become a unit in its 
government. As a matter of fact, the 
majority toil incessantly, learn very 
little, are exploited by the boss of the 
ward, know little and care less about 



the government of their adopted coun- 
try. What we are doing to make him 
worthy of citizenship is but a drop in 
the bucket compared to his numbers 
and his need. We must put time and 
brains upon the problem of the foreign 
man as a voter. How will it help to 
add the foreign woman? All workers 
among these people recognize how 
much more backward is the foreign 
woman than the foreign man. Many 
of the women live years in this coun- 
try without even learning the language. 
This is not true of the younger genera- 
tion which tends to irreligion and law- 
lessness. The reaction does not set in 
until the third generation, as those well 
know who have lived and worked 
among them. The older and the 
younger foreign women, for very dif- 
ferent reasons, would add greatly to 
the danger of the naturalized foreign 
vote, and as we are constantly receiv- 


-:; Classes That Menace 

ing them, and as the quality is steadily 
deteriorating, we shall have this to 
consider for many years to come. The 
suf3fragist proposes to double these two 

We have, in common with all coun- ^ 
tries, the problem of the vicious wo- ^ 
man, numbered in our cities by the 
thousands. The suffragists tell us that 
they will not vote; that they will not 
register because they do not desire pub- 
licity. They are already registered in 
the lists kept by the police in many 
cities; they are not classed as criminal, 
only as potentially so; they would not 
shrink from registration, and the men 
who exploit them would see that they 
voted. To a woman of this class I said, 
not long ago, ^^Do you want to vote?" 
^Tes," she replied. ^Why?" I asked. 
'^What would you do with the ballot?" 
*^God!" she breathed, raising tragic 



arms above her head, "I'd sell it and 
take a vacation!" 

Another problem in all countries is 
that of the intelligent, conscienceless 
woman. She exists, and she is the com- 
panion of the intelligent, conscienceless 
man who plays politics "for what 
there is in it," here in America as per- 
haps nowhere else in the world to the 
same extent; — the man who makes the 
public shame of Philadelphia or Pitts- 
burgh, or Denver, or San Francisco or 
Adams County, Ohio, — the shame of 
every American city and town that 
owns the rule of the boss and the ring, 
that has political axes to grind and po- 
litical trades to make. 

Over against these four classes of un- 
desirable voters among women would 
be the comparatively small number of 
earnest, intelligent women capable of 
handling public affairs. They would 
be overwhelmed by numbers. 

• 48 




TX7HEN the suffragists carry the 
^^ working-girl a handbill which 
reads ^^Demand Votes for Women and 
have your wages raised", they are 
rightly to be charged with dangerous 
misrepresentation. The idea which the 
workers receive, and which they have 
expressed when questioned, is that they 
themselves, could they vote at all, 
could vote themselves shorter hours 
and higher wages. No pains are taken 
by the suflfragist to explain to these girls 
the difficult and circuitous route which 
must be gone over ere the man for 
whom they vote can secure a voice in 
legislation which will react upon the 
markets of the world, and by increas- 
ing or diminishing demand, will raise 



or lower wages, provided that all the 
heads of one industry can be induced to 
see the wage matter in the same light 
at the same time. There are many 
^4fs" between the ballot and a general 
raised-wage standard. 

A truism which the suffragists 
calmly disregard is that wages de- 
pend upon economic law; if there 
is no market for the goods, pro- 
duction must be curtailed, and wages 
will be lowered; if there is a market, 
there may be good wages and over- 
time work. If many wish the same 
kind of employment, and there is sharp 
labor competition, wages will fall; if 
few, wages will rise. If cotton is in- 
fested with boll-weevil and therefore 
high-priced, wages shrink, because the 
manufacturer cannot afford to lose at 
both ends of the scale. There are a 
thousand conditions governing the 
thousand and one manufacturing inter- 

The Ballot and Industry 

ests, or any other employment interest, 
which make the wage question one 
which can never have a hard and fast 

Massachusetts is making an experi- 
ment of great interest with the mini- 
mum wage, already a law in England 
passed by men only, because an investi- 
gation touching nearly 14,000 working 
women revealed that approximately 
half of those employed in candy facto- 
ries and laundries received less than 
five dollars a week. The grave danger 
is that the enforcement of such a law 
will act by pulling down the higher 
wage standard, reducing the pay of the 
efficient worker, while it raises the wage 
standard of others, many of whom are 
in the inefficient class. Proportionate 
wage-raising in any but large business- 
es, would probably be impossible. It 
may be that some will not live so well, 
in order that others may live better, and 



the burden, which it is desired to put 
on the shoulders of the employer, will 
probably be slipped off, as usually hap- 
pens, upon the shoulders of the work- 
ers themselves. This will be a shift; 
it is not certain that it will be a solu- 
tion. Should it happen that the wages 
of skilled workers, deservedly high, are 
lowered in order that the wages of the 
unskilled may be raised, where will be 
the justice to the high-grade worker? 
These edged tools have an uncomfort- 
able habit of cutting both ways. In the 
majority of cases the labor unions 
could protect their men, but it would 
be at the cost of the employer's entire 
independence. These labor unions, 
with all their mistakes, and the glar- 
ing faults of many of their leaders, 
have come, and come to stay. In wo- 
men's trades, however, with which both 
suffrage and anti-suffrage women are 
concerned, the unions find organiza- 


The Ballot and Industry 

tion extremely difficult. Many of the 
workers can neither speak the lan- 
guage nor grasp the idea presented. 

Only one-fifth of our American wo- 
men are in ^^gainful occupations"; 32 
per cent, of these are under twenty-one. 
45 per cent, cease to be wage earners 
at twenty-five. They do not intend 
to make a life-work of their busi- 
ness, and therefore the element of 
impermanency enters. The girls ex- 
pect to marry and have homes. As they 
do this, an endless procession of the 
unskilled and uninterested passes be- 
fore the employer's eyes. He is con- 
stantly training new and ignorant work- 
ers. The men are permanent, and they 
are paid for their permanency and 
their increasing skill. This is true of 
New England textile mills, and offers 
a fair standard for a general statement. 

The question of equal pay for men 
and women, to be secured by the bal- 



lot, now enters. Men and women do 
not receive the "same pay for the same 
work," because every employer knows 
that they seldom do the same work. 
Women's work is prejudiced by this 
unskilled procession of impermanents. 
Witness the changes made by the abo- 
lition of women from the offices of five 
great railroad systems. Women teach- 
ers in New York have won their fight 
to secure the same pay as men, but the 
salaries allotted to men were reduced 
from $900 to $750, and the salaries of 
women raised from $600 to $750. The 
sufferers were men, many of whom had 
families to support. Men and 
women have been counted the coun- 
try over as so many units, so many 
women teachers against so many men 
teachers, wages so-and-so. As a matter 
of fact, by far the greater burden of 
responsibility rests upon the men, as 
they fill the larger number of import- 


The Ballot and Indusf^M 

ant positions, leaving to women the 
lower grade work. When they are not 
doing the same work; why should they 
receive the same pay? When, as in 
Chicago, a woman is Superintendent of 
Schools, and does her work as well as 
a man, or better than he, she should be 
paid in proportion, and examination 
will show that she is. It is work that 
should count, its amount and quality, 
not its sex-stamp. In Utah, with the 
vote, teachers receive less than in New 
York without it.* 

In the New York shirt-waist strike 
in i909-'io, a noted suffragist told the 
strikers that the strike would have been 
unnecessary had they had the ballot. 
Miss Minnie Bronson, special agent at 
that time for the Bureau of Commerce 
and Labor of Washington, tells us 

♦Discussion of teachers* wages in "The Wage 
Earning Woman and the State," 1912, by Minnie 
Bronson, twice special agent of the Federal Bureau 
of Labor. 



these facts : 40 per cent, of the strikers 
were men ; 60 per cent, of the remain- 
der were under twenty-one, and 25 per 
cent, of all the women of voting age 
had not been long enough in this coun- 
try to acquire a residence. How would 
the possession of the ballot have helped 
this situation? These women, under 
their grievous wrongs, do not need to 
be hustled into the voting Dody, where 
they will not know enough to help in- 
telligently. They need the protection 
of laws made by an electorate as free 
as possible from corrupt and ignorant 
voters, an electorate with sense enough 
to elect men who understand the work- 
ings of economic laws in relation to 
labor conditions, if we are to hold to 
the American tradition of ^Wepresenta- 
five government." This may be slow 
progress, and provoke the impatience 
of many, but it will be far surer prog- 
ress than to endeavor to get a hopeless- 


The Ballot and Industry 

ly cumbersome electorate to strive for 
an unassimilated mass of new legisla- 
tion which refuses to take cognizance 
of other conditions which must neces- 
sarily enter, and change or modify con- 
ditions. The fact is, that the more 
progressive states in the Union, which 
as yet are states of manhood suffrage 
only, are rapidly enacting legislation 
for the protection of women and chil- 
dren. All of these laws are ^^man- 
made"; therefore, as some suffragists 
have said, they ^^would not live under 
them." Law, man or woman-made, is 
as impersonal as religion. Neither 
bears the imprint of sex, and if a law 
be good it matters not at all who made 
it. The aim is good law. I 

These increasingly good laws have 
been greatly aided by the influence of 
women appearing before legislatures 
and committees, v/ithout the ballot, to 
urge impersonal ends. Their motives 



could not be impugned. The suffrage 
states are behind in the enactment of 
labor legislation affecting women and 
children, although Colorado now has 
good child-labor laws. Thirty-one 
states now limit the hours of labor. 
Colorado has an 8-hour law for 
women but no week-hour law, and 
no law prohibiting night work; there- 
fore it is of little real value.* Thir- 
ty-nine states compel seats, one suffrage 
state does not; sixteen states, all non- 
suffrage, prohibit night work. In two 
years, between iqoS-'io, 54 laws were 
enacted by legislatures of 32 states for 
women and children, and these were all 
non-suffrage states. Miss Bronson says 
^^There are more and better laws for 
the protection of women wage-earners 
in the non-suffrage states than in states 
where women have the ballot. Posses- 

*"The Wage Earning Woman and the State" 
(1912), by Minnie Bronson. 


The Ballot and Industry 

sing the ballot, the woman who works 
must stand on an equality with men, 
and ask no favors ; must accept the con- 
ditions imposed upon her by the law 
of supply and demand, and give as 
much toil as he, although no increase 
in physical vitality will respond to this 
demand." This is not equality of the 
sexes; it is ^^speeding up" the woman to 
the breaking point to make her reach 
man's physical level. Were he reduced 
to hers, the work of the World would 
be seriously handicapped. 

Women in industry must be taken 
care of, for the sake of the fu- 
ture of the nation. The way to 
^take care of them is not to give them 
something which, while it makes them 
politically equal to men, puts them 
where they cannot ask for special privi- 
leges or special legislation, without 
owning their physical and industrial in- 
feriority. They are in no way inferior 


to men; they are simply different from 
men, and because of this difference, 
must work under better and more com- 
fortable conditions. When industrial 
favors are granted, they must be grant- 
ed to women ; when any one is saved in 
this cruel industrial conflict, it must be 
women. The children of the next gen- 
eration furnish the unanswerable rea- 
son. The world is only now awaking 
to the dangers of industrial life for wo- 
men and their children that shall be. 
It has not had time to grasp the situa- 
tion. The rapidity with which every 
great country is now working in this 
field, proves that it will be fairer to 
give men a chance to solve this prob- 
lem and to offer to women all the safety 
in their power, before the nerve of their 
endeavor is cut by the precipitate en- 
trance into the situation of many wo- 
men who will so complicate matters as 
to compel the men to turn from the 

The Ballot and Industry 

solving of this difficulty to give all 
their time to the general re-adjustment 
which will be imperatively demanded. 
Voting will not help a woman to do 
as much work as a man, as hard work as 
a man, or to receive the same wages as 
a man. Employers, in all justice, ought 
to pay for results, and not because they 
are compelled by law to pay the same 
price for differing grades of work. The 
complex civilization that has forced 
women into industry is endeavoring to 
protect her in it, but the whole prob- 
lem is new, and individual wrongs are 
so apparent that unthinking women 
would rush the inevitably false situa- 
tion by saying, ^^Give us the vote; we 
will vote shorter hours; we will vote 
equal pay": in effect, we will by our 
votes give women a harder time than 
they are having now; we will repudi- 
ate privilege with one breath and de- 
mand it with the next, and by our 



equality we will stamp inequality in- 
effaceably upon the industrial world. 
^That is where it should be stamped," 
say the anti-suffragists. In the very 
nature of the case the conditions of in- 
dustrial life bear hardest upon women. 
They are the potential mothers; they 
must have special privileges, and, wo 
repeat, they must be specially guarded 
or the men-and-women-to-be will be 
born mortgaged to disease, deformity 
and defeat. But what becomes of 
equality? It vanishes, with other false 




'T^HE suffragists claim that the bal- 
^ lot in the hands of women will 
cleanse our national life from the dread 
evils of intemperance and prostitution. 
If this were so, there would not be 
an anti-suffragist in America. The 
women who live by the social evil 
would thrust it out if they dared 
to face the simple question of star- 
vation. Just as the claim that votes 
will raise wages betrayed confused 
thinking in the matter of politics 
and industry, so this claim betrays 
confused thinking in the matter of poli- 
tics and ethics. Public sentiment, 
the result of an aroused public con- 
science, goes before the law and fol- 
lows after it. No law can be made or 



enforced without such sentiment. The 
terrible weaknesses of human nature 
stand in the way of prohibition, and 
abolition of the social evil. 

These dread things still exist in suf- 
frage states, and several of these have 
had from sixteen to forty-two years for 
experiment and proof. Our only sure 
knowledge of what can be done must 
be based upon what has been done, and 
if it cannot be done in small and 
sparsely settled communities, — and we 
must do women the justice to suppose 
that they are unable, and not indiffer- 
ent or unwilling, — how shall it be ac- 
complished in regions with close popu- 
lation and congested cities, where these 
evils are the strongest? 

The non-suffrage states are making 
a strong fight in many cases on both of 
these questions, and the church and the 
medical profession are being called to 
aid. Miss Jane Addams of Chicago, 

The Ballot and Vice 

insisting that fear be used as a motive 
since higher appeals have failed, has 
offered the most sensible advice that 
has been given regarding the social 
evil. In effect, she proposes, for its 
solution, to take it out of the 
ethical realm, where it belongs, but 
where apparently it can never be 
fought out, and hand it over to the 
boards of health. This sensible advice 
will never be followed, because of the 
many people in this country who are 
too much concerned with theoretical 
good and evil and their ideal treatment, 
to be willing to take up a difficult prob- 
lem by the first available handle. 

The country is thoroughly awake to 
the evils of the white slave traffic, laws 
relating to it are being made and en- 
forced, and vice commissions every- 
where are laying bare the conditions 
which each city and state must solve 
according to its own light. The prob- 



lem of the unwilling victim is differ- 
ent from the problem of the willing 
participant. We speak always, on many 
of these matters, as if federal action 
were a possibility. As a matter of 
fact, action on all these questions de- 
pends upon the states themselves. Let 
the suffrage states lead the way. Let 
them give us a practical demonstration 
of communities which have cleansed 
themselves by the votes of women. Let 
them prove their contention by abolish- 
ing in Utah, Idaho, Wyoming, Wash- 
ington, Colorado, and California these 
terrifying evils. 

Let them begin their fight for purity 
by unmasking whatever impurity in the 
guise of religion still lingers in that 
long-suffering state where the viola- 
tion of the old principle of separate 
Church and State has so long been a dis- 
grace to our American ideals and tra- 
ditions^ let them continue it in those 

The Ballot and Vic? 

other states where the Mormon Church 
holds the balance of political power. 
Let them free women under the slav- 
ery of priestly control, which is none 
the less to be feared because religious 
women yield to it willingly. For many 
years Mormonism has been branded as 
a direct menace to American institu- 
tions, to marriage and the family as 
Americans understand these things. 
Hundreds of thousands of women peti- 
tioned against the seating of Senator 
Reed Smoot. Mormonism was on trial, 
and the unsavory testimony is on record 
in Washington. In the face of these 
facts we ask, where is woman's power- 
ful political influence, secured to her 
by the ballot, apparent in the purifica- 
tion of those states in which she is the 
equal of man in affairs of state? 









1X7 E are told that women need the 
^^ ballot to secure their property 
rights; to protect their wages or their 
incomes; to enable them to share the 
guardianship of their children; to per- 
mit them to engage in gainful occupa- 
tions and conduct independent busi- 
nesses. We are told this chiefly by Eng- 
lish suffragists, who are so touchingly 
unaware of our laws that they conceive 
us to be living under intolerable tyr- 
anny. Because they suffer injustice 
they take it for granted that we do, also, 
and it is quite time for us to understand 
and to state those laws which make the 
majority of American women quite 



content with their lot in this respect. 

All American law is based upon 
what is known as the English Common 
Law, an inheritance from the time 
when rough justice kept partial pace 
with rough conditions; when it was 
considered a great step ahead to put a 
woman and all her belongings under 
the control of some one man, her hus- 
band or her nearest of kin, in order that 
she might not be freely despoiled or 
divested of her property at the will of 
some one whom she was physically un- 
able to resist. The Common Law came 
with our fathers to America, and grad- 
ually, with changing conditions, has 
been changed and enlarged until today 
very few of the old provisions remain 
in any of the states. Some states have 
made many changes, some few; but all 
are yielding gradually to the pressure 
of the times. The provisions which 
once protected a woman, and which 


Property Rights 

were meant for her good^ and not for 
her harm, read today like the gravest 
injustice, and women who neither read 
nor think are grasping at the surface 
words, and failing to recognize the 
original meaning, and the rapidity with 
which the new demands are stamping 
themselves upon the legislation of to- 

The laws of Massachusetts are so 
favorable to women that one is tempted 
to drop a sympathetic tear for the op- 
pressions of the Massachusetts man. 
The volume called ^Woman under the 
Law of Massachusetts,'' by Henry 
Sprague, offers instructive reading. 
Upon these Massachusetts laws were 
framed many of the woman's-property- 
right laws of Ohio and of Maine, 
while New York and Pennsylvania 
as well as other states have many of 
the Massachusetts provisions. In 
many of the New England states 


the old rights of ^^curtesy and dow- 
""^^ er," still obtain, the dower right 
protecting a woman, the right of ^^cur- 
tesy" a man. It is a fallacious argu- 
ment for anti-suffragists to note that 
these rights do not obtain in suffrage 
states, for the reason that they have 
been replaced by other laws providing 
for the rights of both man and woman 
on an equal basis. All states are strug- 
gling to bring the laws relating to the 
property rights of women up to the 
standard of present-day conditions, but 
the impatience of the suffrage agitators 
will neither admit this nor give time 
for its rational accomplishment. A law 
is not made as quickly and easily as a 
loaf of bread or a baby's dress. In this 
matter the non-suffrage states are far 
in the lead because they do not compel 
women to a legal equality with men; 
many of them offer ^^mmunities and 
privileges" which assume frankly that 


Property Rights 

the woman is the weaker, and needs her 
material afifairs looked after with care 
and generosity. She will, of course, be 
willing to surrender these many privi- 
leges and take her place as man's finan- 
cial equal in the eyes of the law, if she 
is given the ballot, but it will bear very 
heavily upon her for all that! 

Here are a few of the provisions of 
the Massachusetts law, in which wo- 
men are freed from certain ^^disabil- ' 
ities," poll-tax, military and jury duty, • 
etc., and are granted certain "immuni- 
ties and privileges." 

The volume previously referred to 
gives a complete list. 

A woman is not "legally of age at 
eighteen" as is always supposed, but at 
marriage, and a married woman of any 
age may sign a deed or make a will. 

She holds her property free, pro- 
vided she keeps it separate, 


Her clothing and her ornaments are 
secured to her from the demands of 

Life insurance money cannot be tak- 
en from her for debt. 

A woman may engage in business 
and make contracts apart from her hus- 
band; she may be a ^^sole trader" under 
the act of that name. 

Husband and wife cannot make 
valid gifts to each other in default of 
creditors, but a wife may receive up to 
$2,000 without liability, while her hus- 
band may not. 

Homestead rights are all in favor of 

A woman may hold her property as 
a single woman if her husband is in 
prison, or if she is separated from him 
for good cause. He may not do this. 

A woman is under no legal obliga- 
tion to provide for her family, no mat- 
ter how large her income ; her husband 

Property Rights 

is bound to the support of the wife, 
their children, his step-children, if in 
any way he has ever treated them as a 
parent, no matter how little he may 

The wife may use her husband's 
credit to its limit for ^^necessities," and 
the court will take her unsupported 
word as to what constitutes a ^'neces- 
sity" for her. He has no such privi- 

The law compels a husband to sup- "^ 
ply his wife with money to maintain a 
suit against him. 

If she engages in illegal business the 
law holds him responsible, and not her. 

If she commits a ^'minor crime" and 
he is anywhere about, he is the one to 
blame, and Mr. Sprague adds, ''recent 
statutes enlarging the rights and privi- 
leges of married women have not re- 
lieved the husband from his responsi- 


bility for his wife's criminal and illegal 

Parents are equal guardians of chil- 
dren, and a woman's wages are en- 
tirely her own, free from taxation. 

In these cases men and women are 
not ^'equal before the law," as suffra- 
gists desire to become, but women are 
specially favored. We now note this 
interesting fact. The women who are 
asking for the ballot are the ones who 
are saying that these laws shall not be 
changed in any particular, but that 
backward states should enact similar 
legislation. The idea, translated into 
the vernacular, seems to be, ^Ve want 
to have our cake and eat it, too. We 
want a man's rights and a woman's 




npHE work of the world, slowly 
being differentiated through the 
centuries, has always shown, in its 
general division, this "rough justice" 
of which we have spoken. Only among. ^ 
prirnitive people did women do the y 
work which we now designate as "man's \\ 
work," or share with him such labors 
as belonged to his clime and age, a 
condition of things scarcely compar- 
able to a highly civilized people in a 
highly complex social system. But 
women are now asking to go back to 
the old standards; to fight if necessary; 
to render judgments ; to make laws, and 
they suggest that it is no more their 
business than it is that of a man to care 
for the children. They have made 



long scientific excursions to cite in- 
stances of sole paternal responsibility 
for offspring in the lower orders of na- 
ture. And yet the fact remains that 
sex is the dominant factor in this prob- 
lem. Until the end of all things men 
and women are going to be fathers and 
mothers, and by declaring, with one of 
the suffrage leaders, that * Vif ehood and 
motherhood are incidental relations," 
the women who are carried away by 
this bit of insanity are hastening that 
^^end of all things" to quite a noticeable 
degree. Colleges have occasionally 
declared marriage to be a lamentable 
end to a woman's "career," a sad fall- 
ing off from the *^higher life." Talk- 
ing will not change matters, nor argu- 
ment eradicate the fact that as long as 
the race has a mother, that mother will 
have to be a woman, and if a woman is 
not a mother she has failed, either vol- 
untarilv or involuntarily, to do the only 

Sex a Dominant Factor 

thing for which, in the original scheme 
of creation, she was intended. 

Therefore, the assuming of political 
duties, as many women must assume 
them in the event of a granted fran- 
chise to all adults properly qualified, 
must be not substitutional, but addi- 
tional. We cannot wholly, nor even in 
large measure, evade our own duties 
and responsibilities, and to these we 
must add the burdens and duties of 
men. There is nothing of a woman's 
natural duty which a man can do as 
well as a woman, yet, with amusing 
arrogance, women claim that they will 
be able easily to do the work in which 
for centuries men have been specially 
trained, — to do this work as well as he, 
or better than he, and to do their own 
at the same time. 

Let us just state frankly a few things 
which every woman knows. During 
all the forceful period of a woman's 



life she labors under distinct disabili- 
ties on account of her sex; it trips her 
up at every turn; many women are in 
a constant state of rebellion because 
they absolutely must take ^some sort of 
care of themselves or be invalided out 
of the race. In the carrying out of 
political plans, in attending political 
conventions, in doing jury duty, a wo- 
man will be at the mercy of her nature. 
For one whole year, if a new life is to 
emerge, she is unfit to assume addition- 
al risk in the overstrain of her normally 
taxed nervous system. Maternity is an 
exhibition of a woman's nervous sys- 
tem taxed to a normal limit, and nor- 
mally entirely equal to the strain. But 
while pregnancy is not a pathological 
condition, it is the limit of nerve-tax. 
Presumably there are other children 
and a home. How much more ought 
a woman to do? And for every wo- 
man married or single, during the 

Sex a Dominant Factor 

greater part of her life, there is the 
plain and unchangeable fact that she 
lives in a periodic nervous cycle, when 
the life-forces are normal, below nor- 
mal, and again normal, and that during 
the below-noi*mal period she is again 
very nearly at the nervous limit. Why 
pretend that these things are negli- 
gible? Every woman knows they are 
not, but she fears the derision of other 
women if she admits it. Where, then, 
is her surplus strength, where the ex- 
tra force to be expended in political 
excitements ? 

Every student of industrial condi- 
tions, every one who tries to wrestle 
with the new science of eugenics, recog- 
nizes that the danger to the working 
girl which transcends all other dan- 
gers, is the danger to her motherhood, 
and that the paramount danger to the 
state in her industrial life is the loss of 
so many potential mothers; for the 



great wheels eat up the nerve-forces of 
a woman's life ; the standing, the tread- 
ing, are perilous Tocher feminine pow- 
ers. The state should save the work- 
ing women and the little children for 
purely selfish motives, if for no higher. 
It is ridiculous extravagance to let pri- 
vate greed exploit the head-waters of 
the stream of the nation. We con- 
serve Niagara, and throw away young 
American girlhood. As a nation we 
appear to have no sense of proportion. 
But to save one part of our woman- 
hood it is not necessary to sacrifice an- 
other. Earnest men and intelligent, 
non-partisan women who plead with- 
out the possibility of a suspected dis- 
honoring motive, are awake to the situ- 
ation, and will solve the difficulty if not 
handicapped by having the ballot 
thrust upon all women who, with it, 
cannot accomplish the purely moral 

Sex a Dominant Factor 

and humanitarian results which can 
be secured without it. 

Francis Parkman recognizes and 
states another phase of the sex-danger: 
^Without a radical change in human 
nature," he says, "of which the world 
has never given the faintest sign, wo- 
men cannot be equally emancipated 
[with men]. It is not a question of 
custom or habit or public opinion, but 
of an all-pervading force, always for- 
midable in the vast number of men in 
whom it is not controlled by higher 

There is also a temperamental differ-"^ 
ence in men and women which makes 
an equal footing in political life all 
but impossible. Whatever she may 
have had in the past, whatever she may 
be going to have in the future, at the 
present moment she has great temper- 
amental disabilities. 


The average woman has as much 
brains as the average man, and aver- 
age persons are going to do the greater 
paft of the voting, but the v/oman lacks 
endurance in things mental; her forti- 
tudes are physical and spiritual. She 
lacks nervous stability. The suffragists 
who dismay England are nerve-sick 

Woman is possessed of that peculiar 
trait which Havelock Ellis in his vol- 
ume entitled, ^^Man and Woman," calls 
^^affectability." A wonmn!5_sympathies 
are q uickei ^more easily roused, more 
dominant than a man's; she is sensitive 
and emotion al m a w ay thTt differs from 
his way, and a's a^:w:oman's aff^ctabil- 
ity is her great ^nnrre cd-^RPr^m^th in her 
own place in thejmrrld^n it will be her 
greatest danger and_greatest source of 
weakness in golitkal life. Not all wo- 
men will enter political life; we have 

Sex a Dominant Factor 

already recognized and stated that 
several times in this argument, but we 
propose to discuss the question from 
the standpoint of the many who are 
longing and intending to do this as 
speedily as they may. Dr. Reibmayr, 
the German biologist, claim5_that this 
life of_fee]jng_is the great source of 
world-strength.,as-k- emanatc s from wo- 
man, butjthaJL-it- can be -checked and 
killed. How, then, will this contribute 
to the good of the state? If, however, 
"wifehood and motherhood are inci- 
dental relations," and if "the highest 
good of the individual " is the only end 
and aim to be sought, as a suffrage au- 
thority tells us, the suffragists may 
carry their conclusions to the point of 
inaugurating government by feminine 
vj We w^ho oppose this thing consider 
the relationships of wife and mother 


as of supreme importance, and the 
hi ghest good of the -indiwjnal some- 
thi ng to be_a uhordinated to the highest 




'Tp HE two great points on which the 
-■" world differs are politics and reli- 
gion. As yet these have not entered the 
home, and men and women seldom 
quarel over religion, because the men 
are contented to leave decisions regard- 
ing religious affairs to their wives. The 
wives in return have been willing to 
leave politics to their husbands, and 
two fruitful grounds for difference 
have been avoided in domestic life. 
When women enter politics actively, as 
many will and must if woman suffrage 
is to make any impression upon politi- 
cal life, another source of discord will 
speedily appear. Mrs. Sarah Piatt 
Decker of Colorado, a strong and able 
suffrage leader, recommends a ^Wo- 


man's Party." Women are not to enter 
politics as impersonal units, voting the 
tickets of existing parties, but chaos is 
invited in the form of another party dis- 
tinguished by sex alone — Woman ver- 
sus Man. They seem to have over- 
looked the ^^human being" conten- 
tions. It is no more conceivable 
that all women, just because they are 
women, could be induced to think and 
vote alike, than that all men could, and 
if they could be so induced, they would 
be unworthy of power. It would argue 
them unthinking sheep. 

The common suffrage expressions of 
^^tyrant man^" and ^^oppressed. woman," 
are calculated to arouse antagonism 
toward men in_ the breasts of women, 
who, unable to understand the causes 
of their individual or their group 
wrongs, would solve the question by 
making man responsible; man, — a 
vague and terrifying spectre, who is 


Sex Antagonism 

conceived as being invariably inimical 
to v^oman; who makes laws to injure 
her, to exploit her, to deprive her of 
her rights. ^^Ma n-made laws^^ are 
aimed at the subjugatioiLiiL^vomen ; the 
existence_of__olji^f^^got4enr-statutes of 
the outwiimXommon Law of England 
in some of our more backward states, 
argues that they are kept there by men 
with malevolent intent. As a matter of 
fact, they remain because men have not 
yet been everywhere aroused to the ne- 
cessity for their change, and advance 
legislation, which changes or casts 
these aside, is proceeding with great 
rapidity. They remain through indif- 
ference and ignorance, scarcely through 
tyranny and malevolence. 

American women are better treated 
than any women under the sun, class 
for class, comparing our great country 
with others of the same rank, and it is 
idle to argue when the countries are 



not comparable. The women of New 
Zealand may be better treated than the 
women of the East Side of New York, 
but not better than American women 
as a whole. The slurs, the innuendoes, 
the savage denunciations which a few 
American women have seen fit to heap 
upon the heads of all American men, 
are cause for regret and shame to the 
majority who recognize that the Amer- 
ican man in his desire and effort to 
il\ protect the women of his country, is 
f ahead of any man in the world. 

All questions of social and industrial 
betterment are being eagerly discussed 
by men, and especial attention is being 
given to the condition of the American 
working woman and her child. They 
are comparatively recent factors in the 
industrial problem, and because mat- 
ters can not be adjusted in their many 
bearings in a very brief time, women, 
characteristically impulsive and im- 


Sex Antagonism 

patient, are claiming that the Ameri- 
can man does not care, and that he will 
not help. A mere sense of justice and 
fair play should operate to restrain 
such silly and superficial judgments. If 
men are able, by the exercise of law- 
making power, to adjust all industrial 
difficulties, why did the Lawrence, 
Mass., strikers and employers come to 
Washington to present their grievances 
to Congress? 

The anti-suffragists desire to give 
men time to cope with these huge, new, 
interdependent problems; to endeavor 
to understand their difficulties; to state 
no hasty and unconsidered conclusions, 
to utter no rash judgments, and to see 
to it that justice is done in presenting 
these matters to large groups of women 
unable to investigate for themselves. ■ 
Let us take two typical questions which 
will show the difficulties in the way of 
hasty, good-natured, ^^blanket" legisla- 



tion. I. How can short working hours 
and steady employment be secured, 
with justice to the employer, in seasonal 
trades? 2. How far is it justifiable to 
forbid a certain amount of child labor 
in the face of facts presented by Dr. 
Karl Pearson of the Galton Laboratory 
j'pf National Eugenics in London, who 
gives statistics to prove that the restric- 
tive child labor laws in England have 
■ always been followed by a diminishing 
birth-rate? We are well aware that the 
poor man everywhere considers his 
child an asset; here in America a man 
will speak of his big family, and add 
with pride that they ^*all have their 
working papers." If the child is 
not an asset it is a liability, and 
a very few such liabilities will suffice 
for a man earning six dollars a week in 
a Massachusetts woollen mill. Men 
who legislate must face the difficulties 
that arise between these two aspects of 

Sex Antagonism 

the case. Shall we have child labor 
with its terrible and far-reaching con- 
sequences, or shall we further imperil 
a birth-rate already seriously menaced? 
Snap judgments on such complicated 
questions avail but little. The facts 
have a persistent way of getting under 
foot to be noticed. The anti-suffragists 
stand solidly opposed to child labor in 
any form, but they wish to be just 
to the present lawmakers and their dif- 

^Sex antagonism is an easy flame 
to fan; the feelings of men and wo- 
men toward each other are always 
made hotter by that deep incompre- 
hension which lies at the base of all 
dealings between the sexes. Sex leaps 
unexpectedly into all relations between 
men and women, intrudes itself into 
the conversation, the attitude of mind; 
proves the basic attraction and the fun- 
damental source of difference. It can 


no more be disregarded than the oper- 
ation of any other natural law can be 
set aside. To ignore it is not to eradi- 
cate it. When sex enters, it is easy as 
the New York East Side children say, 
"to throw a hate," and to make bitter- 
ness and anger where harmony should 
exist. The entrance of woman into 
politics will not break up all homes by 
any means, but it will assuredly offer 
one more cause of sex antagonism. 





TlyTANY of the conditions existing in 
suffrage states have been touched 
upon in a previous chapter. A few 
points are here noted. 

The suffrage states are the experi- 
ment stations in which we are justified 
in looking for proof of the good accom- 
plished by the votes of women. These 
states are Colorado, Utah, Idaho, Wy- 
oming, Washington and California. 
In Colorado, women have voted for 
nineteen years; Utah, sixteen; Idaho, 
sixteen; Wyoming, forty-two. The 
other two have not had so much time, 
and so need not be counted. 

Night work for women is not pro- 
hibited in Colorado, Idaho, Utah, 



Wyoming, and this fact renders inef- 
fective any 8-hour law such as has been 
passed in Colorado, which applies only 
to women in ^^standing occupations." 
An 8-hour law to be effective must be 
reinforced by two other laws, one regu- 
lating night work, and one specifying a 
legitimate week-hour limit. There is 
no time limit set to women's work in 
Idaho, Utah, Wyoming, unless such 
legislation has been enacted too late to 
be included in the last legislative 

Former Governor Hale of Denver 
says, *^women average about the same 
as men on all questions — a little better 
on questions involving morals." But 
"a little better," and ''about the same" 
are insufficient reasons for the greatly 
increased expense and the added cum- 
bersomeness of a doubled electorate. 
Dr. Helen L. Sumner, a suffragist, in 
her book entitled ''Equal Suffrage," 

Suffrage States 

an investigation of conditions in Colo- 
rado in 1909, proves no more. Mrs. 
F. W. Goddard of Colorado, President 
of the Society of Colonial Dames, says : 

I have voted since 1893. I have been a dele- 
gate to the city and State conventions, and a 
member of the Republican State Committee from 
my county. I have been a deputy sheriff and a 
watcher at the polls. For twenty-three years I 
have been in the midst of the woman suffrage 
movement in Colorado. For years I believed in 
vv'oman suffrage and have worked day in and 
day out for it. I now see my mistake and would 
abolish it tomorrow if I could. 
p^'^No law has been put on the statute book of 
I Colorado for the benefit of women and children 
I that has been put there by the women. The 
I child labor law went through independently of 
\ the women's vote. The hours of working-wo- 
* men have not been shortened ; the wages of 
school-teachers have not been raised; the type of 
men that got into office has not improved a bit. 
Frankly, the experiment is a failure. It has 
I done Colorado no good. It has done woman no 
I good. The best thing for both would be if to- 
l^orrow the ballot for women could be abolished. 
Mrs. Francis W. Goddard, 
President of the Colonial Dames of Colorado. 
December, 1910. 



Judge Lindsay, a strong suffragist, 
says, ^Vomen are as much bound by 
political expediency as men." Dr. 
Helen Sumner says, ^^a woman rarely 
either nominates or seconds the nomina- 
tion of a man except in some cases 
where the man has shown himself un- 
usually favorable to women in politics." 

In Utah, Idaho and Wyoming, with 
Colorado not far behind, the Mormons 
hold the balance of political power, 
with women their most ardent propa- 
gandists and supporters, even to the 
point of defending polygamy, and in 
this case the grave menace is the en- 
tangling of a church with state affairs. 
This country has always stood for the 
principle known as the ^^separation of 
Church and State." The great addi- 
tional force of women voters in these 
states are with the political majority, 
who are not only un-American regard- 

Suffrage States 

ing our governmental ideals, but anti- 

As for the question of child labor, we 
see that Wyoming and Utah prohibit 
the working of children in the mines 
only, although other equally sparsely 
settled non-suffrage states, without fac- 
tories and mills, have made child-labor 
laws to cover any condition which may 
arise in the future. In suffrage states 
no documentary proof of a child's age 
is required. 

The large increase_iDf~divafce is es- 
pecially noticeable in suffrage states, in- 
creasing in Colorado from 450 to 557 
in ten years; in Wyoming, 70-143; 
Utah, 225-387; Idaho, 139-320. These 
conditions are not charged against the 
women of the states, but they exist, and 
women would undoubtedly rectify them 
if they were able. If the ballot does 
not make them able, what does it 
amount to? 



The facts as to the social evil in Den- 
ver are vouched for by Mrs. Kate Wal- 
ler Barrett, national president of the 
Florence Crittenden Homes for Way- 
ward Girls. There is a home of this 
organization in nearly every large city 
in the land, and Mrs. Barrett says, ^*In 
all the seventy-eight Florence Critten- 
den Homes in the United States I never 
saw such a collection of girls of the bet- 
ter class as are in the Denver Home." 

Wages in Colorado have not been 
raised since women were given the vot- 
ing power. In fact, the most careful 
observer cannot find any betterment of 
conditions commensurate with the over- 
turning of political affairs, the in- 
creased electoral expense and the de- 
velopment of a corrupt class of women 
politicians. They must do better than 
this to demonstrate to the non-suffrage 
states a reason why votes should be 
given to women. 

II 12 




T ET us now consider in detail the 
■*^ platform as adopted by the Wo- 
man Suffrage Party at the New York 
City Convention, October 26, 191 1. It 
states : 

I. *The claim that American Gov- 
ernment is a government of the people, 
by the people, for the people, is a pre- 
tense and a delusion as long as one-half 
of the people are deprived of all voice 
in that government." 

Women were not deprived of a voice 
in the government ; they were made ex- 
empt from its responsibilities in view 
of other and equally important services 
rendered the state in bearing children 
and making homes. 



2. *Tood, clothing and shelter are 
the fundamental necessities of the peo- 
ple, and they are, and always have been 
the primary concern of women in the 
home. We, therefore, denounce a po- 
litical system which robs the home of 
adequate representation and makes 
business and finance the chief concern 
of politics." 

As business and finance in the hands 
of the man who helps to make a home 
are absolutely necessary to its continu- 
ance, it might reasonably be supposed 
that when the man who brings in the 
money that pays for the food and cloth- 
ing and shelter, votes for those things 
which he thinks will enable him to earn 
or gain money, he ^^adequately repre- 
sents the home." 

3. ^We protest against the iniquity 
of a political system which refuses to 
grant to the six million working wo- 


A Suflfrage Platform 

men* engaged in industries outside the 
states of Colorado, Utah, Wyoming, 
Washington and Idaho [California 
was not then included], a share in the 
making and enforcing of the laws 
which control every matter which is 
vital to their health and well-being." 

We have noted before that there are 
no laws regulating night work for wo- 
men in Colorado, Idaho, Utah, Wyo- 
ming. There is no time limit for wo- 
men's work in Idaho, Utah, Wyoming. 
Colorado has an 8-hour day, but no 
week-hour law, and the 8-hour law is 
for ^^standing occupations only," of 
which there are very few, while the 
hours of women engaged in seated oc- 
cupations are unrestricted. Colorado 
prohibits only coal mines in the min- 
ing industry to women. Seats for wo- 
men at work are not required in Idaho 

♦Various estimates of women in industrial life 
are given, from one-seventh to one-fifth. 



nor in Wyoming; in Utah, stores only. 
Separate toilets are not required for 
men and women in Idaho, Utah, Wyo- 
ming, Colorado, California. New- 
York and Massachusetts lead in all 
legislation favorable to working wo- 
men — laws made by men to protect 
women. These suffrage states have 
had equal franchise for a sufficiently 
long time for working women to have 
received all needed care at the hands 
of their sister women. The occupa- 
tions are not many, the conditions not 
difficult. Why has not this care been 

4. ^^Until the enfranchisement of 
women we call upon all women to op- 
pose the idea of a uniform divorce 
law, because at the present time such a 
law would be made by men only, and 
would necessarily discriminate against 
women. We declare that in all public 
conferences and commissions appointed 

A Suffrage Platform 

to consider this subject women should 
have an equal voice with men." 

Rev. S. W. Dike, of Auburndale, 
Mass., who for many years has worked 
faithfully for the League for the Pro- 
tection of the Family, would be sur- 
prised to find that his wise and careful 
divorce recommendations must ^^neces- 
sarily discriminate against women." 
He has worked for years to protect the 
American home, for which all Amer- 
ica owes him a debt of gratitude. A 
National Divorce Commission, repre- 
senting all of the states, framed in 1901 
a uniform divorce law, to be passed 
upon by the legislatures of the various 
states. Causes for divorce in this law 
are adultery, drunkenness (alcohol or 
drugs), if habitual, extreme cruelty, 
desertion for an unspecified period, 
non-support and conviction for felony. 
All the wrongs suffered by women can 
be classified under these heads, except 


such frivolous reasons for breaking up 
a home as uncongeniality, incompati- 
bility of temper, ^^mental cruelty," etc. 
At present every twelve marriages 
bring a divorce; people who are mar- 
ried in one state are unmarried in an- 
other and vice versa, owing to the lax 
and unequal divorce conditions in the 
different states. Suffragists were once 
urged by one of their number to ask for 
^'divorce for any cause whatever," 
thereby making that important state 
unit, the family, a thing to be dashed to 
pieces at the behest of a woman's weari- 
ness, whim or unstable affection. This 
uniform divorce law, so ardently de- 
sired by those having the good of the 
nation at heart, has been accepted by 
several states, but has encountered op- 
position for various reasons, one of the 
most potent being the determined an- 
tagonism of women who evidently long 
1 20 

A Suffrage Platform 

ago decided to follow the principle 
laid down in this platform. 

5. **We renew our condemnation of 
the suicidal policy of permitting child 
labor, and give our support to all hu- 
manitarian legislation looking toward 
the amelioration of race-destroying 

When Dr. Bernbaum of Harvard 
asked Mrs. Florence Kelley, the presi- 
dent of the Consumer's League, and an 
ardent suffragist, ^Vhy the Colorado 
child labor laws were not even up to 
those of Nebraska," she replied, "Col- 
orado laws are better adapted to the 
needs of the working class in Colo- 
rado!" Dr. Bernbaum states that of 
the ten members of the Executive Com- 
mittee on Child Labor in Massachu- 
setts only two are suffragists. The best 
of child-labor laws were secured in 
Indiana by women without the vote, 
and in many states in the Middle West 


by the Federated Women's Clubs. Col- 
orado laws prohibit children working 
under fourteen. In New York the age 
is sixteen. The enforcement of these 
laws is a different matter from their 
enactment. Enforcement depends up- 
on the number of inspectors supplied. 
A law that does not provide for inspec- 
tors is everywhere valueless to protect 
children. New York and Massachu- 
setts are still ahead in point of legisla- 

6. "In face of the revelations of the 
white slave traffic, and the demonstrated 
connection between poverty and prosti- 
tution, we declare that the time has 
come for a complete program of social 
legislation, including a minimum wage, 
shorter hours, steady employment, bet- 
ter housing and extensive public recre- 

The chapter on the "Ballot in Indus- 
try" must be cited to answer these curi- 


A Suffrage Platform 

ously illogical demands. In that 
chapter we have spoken of the mini- 
mum wage, equal pay for equal work; 
the question of seasonal trades was 
spoken of elsewhere. It is New York 
under the leadership of Jacob Riis, 
that has led the way on the Tenement 
House problem; it is Brooklyn that has 
an investigation commission which has 
done away with thousands of dark 
rooms; it is Washington, D.C., a city 
having few problems despite its loo,- 
ooo negro population, that is strug- 
gling with the question of the alleys, 
and the alley tenements and shacks, 
alleys with but one outlet, where the 
infant mortality is double that on the 
streets. All these movements are led 
by men and aided by women. The 
Housing Committee of the Monday 
Evening Club, a society of the national 
capitol with no ballot power what- 
ever, bids fair to clean up the city 


and free it from disease-breeding 
houses. New York has recreation 
piers; all large and many small 
cities have parks and playgrounds, 
and the greater number of these play- 
grounds were secured by disinterested 
women without the ballot. The whole 
movement of the public conscience is 
toward better and more general recrea- 
tion conditions, and the regulating of 
improper forms of recreation, such as 
unsupervised dance halls and moving 
picture shows. Women are not the 
only ones who desire these things. 
There are still a few men in America 
who are awake to the needs of the 
laboring class. Men, tioo, recognize 
that the time has come for a "complete 
program of social legislation," and are 
everywhere endeavoring to advance it. 
Women, asking for these things as non- 
partisans, will secure a more ready 
hearing and a quicker response, than if 

A Suffrage Platform 

they appear as voters to be suspected 
of interested motives. 

7. ^^We view with alarm the reac- 
tionary educational movement which 
would restrict the education of women 
to domestic science, and ignore their 
right to a full and free intellectual 

With women's colleges dotting our 
country from coast to coast, it can 
scarcely be said that the right of women 
to ^^fuU and free intellectual life" is 
being ignored. Neither do the courses 
in domestic science given in colleges 
and schools restrict women in any 
sense whatever. They are intended to 
supplement the intellectual knowledge 
in a land which is declared to be "the 
land of the worst middle class cooking 
in the world." The public schools are 
endeavoring to help. It is a disgrace 
to American women that our children 
have to be taught cooking in a public 


school because so many mothers can- 
not teach it. The ^^paper-bag home," 
filled three times a day with bakery 
trash, menaces every factory and mill 
town. Much of a factory worker's 
scanty wages is spent by women who 
cannot cook, and who waste their few 
cents on cheap food lacking in nourish- 
ment, supplied by the hundreds of low 
grade bakers in every industrial com- 
munity. The delicatessen store men- 
aces the middle class home, where 
twice the value is spent for ready cook- 
ed food; and the caterer is a great 
source of domestic extravagance among 
well-to-do housekeepers. Educational 
institutions are struggling to keep the 
science of cookery alive among Ameri- 
can women. We do not view this de- 
velopment ^Vith alarm"; we view it 
with relief. It is an endeavor to teach 
American young women the thing 
which their mothers are rapidly for- 

A Suffrage Platform 

getting — the necessity and the im- 
portance of their own work. All that 
we view with alarm is the fact that 
cooking teachers are so scarce. 

8. ^'Wq congratulate the teachers of 
New York on their successful struggle 
for the principle of equal pay for equal 
work, and urge the extension of the 
principle to the work of industrial wo- 

It is not equal pay for equal work 
that is asked, but equal pay for different 
work. See the earlier chapter before 
referred to. 

9. 'We repeat our plea for the ap- 
pointment of women as judges and 
magistrates in the courts in order that 
the interests of women and children 
may be better safe-guarded." ' 

Judge Lindsay, the idol of the suffra- 
gists, is head of the Juvenile Court of 
Denver; there are juvenile courts pre- 
sided over by men in Boston, Washing- 


ton and other cities. Judge Lindsay 
claims 96 per cent, ^^cured," and those 
who have seen his work are the first to 
admit his claim. Others claim for 
their own work about 50 per cent, 
cured. It looks as if men were doing 
fairly well in safe-guarding the inter- 
ests of children. Women are not so 
noticeable for their fairness, their ju- 
dicial mind, their freedom from pre- 
judice and partisan bias as to make the 
general application of the demand at 
all desirable. 

10. ^We express our deepest appre- 
ciation of what our English sisters 
have done for the woman's movement 
the world over, and urge our own wo- 
men to exhibit equal self-sacrifice and 
loyalty as occasion may arise." 

With 148 of our English sisters in 

jail for demolishing property at this 

writing, it is pertinent to enquire ^^how 

much lawlessness does it take to make 


A Suffrage Platform 

a good law-maker?" The spectacular 
rioting, the window-breaking and 
stone-throwing, the much-sought im- 
molation in prison, the present threats 
of recourse to firearms, the personal as- 
saults upon public men, urged with 
greater violence while the coal strike 
was impending, are not examples for 
American women to emulate, and if 
they do adopt such ridiculous tactics, 
they should be dealt with exactly as 
men rioters are dealt with. A govern- 
ment which would allow itself to be 
coerced into the granting of any politi- 
cal boon because a few women were 
lawless, would make itself the laughing- 
stock of the world, and would not be 
safe for an hour from the frenzied and 
impossible demands of its own subjects. 
The world in general is not attracted 
nor impressed by such half-civilized 
conduct, nor is it disposed to trust 
weighty matters of state to frenzied and 


hysterical women, unthinking, illogi- 
cal, carried along by an excited mob 
of lunatics. It represents a pathologi- 
cal rather than a penological condition. 
The enunciation of this plank in the 
platform will inevitably cause intelli- 
gent American women to repudiate it. 

II. ^^We call upon New York to fol- 
low the example of Wisconsin, Kansas 
and the other states where a referendum 
has been submitted to the people on the 
question of equal suffrage." 

When this was tried in Massachu- 
setts in 1895, the result gave 4 per cent, 
of the voters in favor of suffrage. Dr. 
Lyman Abbott and Col. Roosevelt, 
approaching this question from very 
different standpoints, advocate the 
referendum on this matter. The anti- 
suffrage women cordially welcome 
the idea, and wish it tried not only 
in New York, but in other states 
as well. Under these circumstances 

A Suffrage Platform 

only in the most feeble and sparse- 
ly settled Western states, or in a state 
gone mad with socialistic teaching, 
would the suffragists find a ray of 




npHE anti-suffragists stand very 
strongly for the position that wo- 
men do not need the ballot to accom- 
plish their ends. If they are really in 
earnest they can secure whatever they 
are willing to work for in the way of 
beneficent or remedial legislation. In- 
telligent and interested women will 
have by far the larger share in this indi- 
rect government; all the objectionable 
classes will be eliminated, and the wo- 
men who are actuated by high motives 
will remain. Appearing before legisla- 
tures and committees, they will be 
known as non-partisan, known only as 
women with ^^no political axes to grind, 
no political trades to make," women 
whose animating purposes are above 



suspicion. As such they will be given 
careful attention, the attention which 
they have often received from political 
bodies of men. The men recognize a 
disinterested effort toward the good and 
wise thing, whereas if women appear 
before them holding as much power as 
they do, the question will arise, or may 
arise, ^Vhat is behind? How will it 
affect this or that party?", exactly as it 
arises among men. 

Patriotism for a woman does not be- 
gin at the ballot box. It begins when 
she takes pains to instruct her young 
son concerning the dignity and sacred- 
ness of the ballot. Our fathers used to 
believe in this, and our country grew 
great when this doctrine was impressed 
upon its young men. Of late years, this 
having been taken too much for grant- 
ed, we have seen a strange corruption 
of the electorate. In every community 
votes are bought and sold with little 


thought of shame, little realization of 
the baseness and treachery involved. 
Sometimes an effort is made to cover 
the bald infamy of it, as in a New Eng- 
land rural community, where a con- 
versation has been known to run some- 
thing like this: 

^^Did you get $2 for voting for Mr. 
^^No, I didn't." 

^^Then why did you vote for him?" 
'^Because I like him." 
**And why do you like him?" 
^^Because he gave me two dollars." 
The lack of appreciation of simple 
honesty and honor goes back to home 
training, back to those women who by | 
training the voters will eventually hold " 
more power than if voting themselves. 
The best and highest patriotism con- 
sists in doing our own work of teaching. 
Women are the world's educators; 
men the world's exponents. We have 



educated amiss if we have raised up a 
generation of men who can be so little 
trusted that now we must sweep them 
aside and take the reins in our own 

If we are given the franchise this 
country will present the spectacle of 
women possessed of ^^rights in excess of 
power," and a preponderance of wo- 
men voters would give, as Prof. A. V. 
Dicey of England points out, ^^sover- 
eignty without force," a governmental 
anomaly. He shows the basic relation 
between force and sovereignty, sover- 
eignty meaning dominant power, and 
force that physical possession without 
which sovereignty can never be effect- 
ive. AH law is based upon the supposi- 
tion that back of its edicts lies the force 
that can be summoned to make those 
edicts imperative, whether or no. In the 
very nature of the case, if women claim 
sovereignty they must call upon men 



for the force — a humiliating state of 
affairs. This is the absurd position at 
which we arrive if we follow the relent- 
less logic of the initial proposition, as 
offered by the suffrage party. 

The methods used by many of the 
suffragists to attain their end are of 
such a nature that plain common sense, 
educated or uneducated, refuses to 
sanction them. The militant methods 
require no comment. The pacific me- 
thods are also very objectionable, for 
no sensible person can be won to a 
cause whose devotees display such ig- 
norance of the laws and existing condi- 
tions as are shown in the street cam- 
paigns and speeches. The speakers 
usually remind their hearers with great 
force of Artemus Ward's friend, ^Vho 
knew so many things that were not so." 

When Mrs. Pankhurst, on a New 
York street corner, held out a list of 
deserted wives, secured from the office 



of the Associated Charities, and in- 
formed her audience that if women had 
the ballot such things could not be, she 
proved herself quite ignorant of the 
very stringent laws existing in New 
York for the punishment of men who 
abandon their families. The proper 
law, the best possible law has been en- 
acted. Enforcement of any law is a 
far different matter. 

The most recent method which has 
been used is the ^^philanthropy boy- 
cott," known as ^^the pledge of will and 

^^I hereby promise that I WILL give 
what I can and do my share of work to 
gain votes for women." 

*^I will NOT give either money or 
services to any other cause until the 
women of New York State have been 

In New York State one suffragist 
spent $36,890.00 between October, 1909, 


and March, 1910; another $37,750.00 
in the same time. The fund in England 
was found to be a half million dollars, 
with $20,000.00 spent for the hire of 
halls alone. Charity reports in Eng- 
land and America, in this past year, 
have shown the loss of contributions 
and the loss of names of well known 
and hitherto generous women. 

This pledge is an English importa- 
tion, and exhibits no conscience or feel- 
ing for the many afflicted and helpless, 
now being aided by voluntary subscrip- 
tions to charity, who will be made to 
suffer by the curtailing of funds relied 
upon for their support, in order that 
they may be made pitiful factors in the 
fight In effect these suffragists say, "we 
will make the helpless suffer, and see if 
the sight of their suffering will compel 
you to let us have our own way." Such 
a spirit cannot commend itself, nor 
make these women worthy of the very 


thing they seek. It proves that their 
methods of warfare will be the same 
later as they are now, childishly law- 
less where militant, ignorant or cruel 
where pacific. 

The arguments all lead back along 
a circular trail. In this forest of ques- 
tions and statistics and opinions, we 
return to the point from which we start- 
ed out. We of the majority insist that 
universal adult suffrage will be a men- 
ace to American government and to 
American womanhood, and that it is 
lacking in the fundamental principle 
of patriotism. 


As the number given on page 53 (80,000) is the 
number connected with the National Association, 
and as there is no way of estimating those not so 
connected, other organizations are doubtless in- 
cluded in the 3,000,000 figure mentioned as inter- 
ested in suffrage for women. 

G. D. G. 



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